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Kurdistan Culture Shaped the Region’s Road to Independence
Kurdistan Culture Shaped the Region’s Road to Independence
Kurds, also known as Kurdish, refers to the ethnic group occupying the northern part of Iraq and its neighborhood (McDowall, 1996). Kurdistan thus represents the group occupying the region, sharing a universal language. Kurdistan enjoys a history of productive cultural activities. The unity of the Kurds arising from their cultural activities fosters the region’s struggle for independence from the mainland Iraqi government. Several pieces of literature indicate that the culture influenced the region’s struggle for independence. The community used several approaches to agitate against colonialism. Among the methods, referendums took the bulk of the push. Two polls were to compel the mainland Iraqi government to confirm the region’s independence (Brenneman, 2016). Brenneman credits the conflicts between the Kurds and their neighbors in the region’s arising from different cultural values and beliefs as the main factors that fuelled the Kurds to seek for their sovereignty.
Thesis Statement
Although inside Iraqi borders, Iraqi Kurdistan has a unique culture that does not align with that of its current placement. This cultural identity the Kurdish people have has significantly influenced the regions pursuit for independence.
Background
McDowall’s (1996) work indicates that until the First World War, Kurdish community practiced nomadism, moving from region to region with their cattle in search of greener pasture. After the war, the community adopted farming to supplement nomadism as their economic activity. Later on, due to the conveniences of farming, the Kurds assumed farming as their primary economic activity. The Kurds would now settle at one area and establish their territory (Brenneman, 2016).
Allison (1996) describes culture as the social aspects that represent a people’s values, beliefs, and ways of life. Therefore, culture groups people with identical social features. Although the Kurds live in Northern Iraq, they display a completely different social life and attributes. These identify them and portray them as a unique group within the three provinces of Iraq. The community integrates its ethnical norms with the norms of the Muslim religion (Kurdistan government, 2019; Allison, 1996). The Kurd’s culture underpins its social rules and practices, hence giving them a sense of belonging and togetherness.
As a Team Chief in Naval Special Warfare, my last two deployments were over the 2015-2018 timeframe, living at the Mosul Dam in Kurdish-controlled Iraq, just outside of Dohuk. After working with the Peshmerga in 2015, I became very interested in Kurdish culture, politics, and their desire for independence. In 2017, I returned to Kurdistan, this time working closely with the Iraqi military, not the Peshmerga (Kurdish military). The Peshmerga were strikingly more reliable than the Iraqis, making the transfer over to a less competent force frustrating. It was during this time that the Kurdish government made a move towards independence with a referendum.
Ultimately, the Iraqi government handed the Kurds their referendum quest. The motivation in Dohuk was high, making everyone see the success that the poll would bring forth. Unfortunately, nothing fruitful emerged. After a while, when the Peshmerga aides had cleared their piece of Mosul during the counter ISIS campaign, the Iraqi military moved up, took Kirkuk, and pushed the Kurds out of their way again. Culturally, I enjoyed the interactions the Kurds display. They are always accommodating with most of the admirable cultural traits. I continued to stay in touch with Kurdish interpreters I had worked with during this time, and always wanted the best for the people of this region. Thus sparking my interest in their culture as a whole.
Kurdistan Map Iraq (August 2013)
Iraqi Kurdish Culture
The Kurds belong to a heterogeneous ethnic group with diverse cultural practices obtained from Iraqi Kurdistan, Iran, Turkey, and Syria (Kreyenbroek & Allison, 1996). Kreyenbroek and Allison add that due to this diversity, Kurds have productive and accommodative norms and cultural practices. Although they belong to the old ethnic groupings, most of them have assimilated the modern cultural beliefs of Iraq, Turkey, and Iran (Lawrence, 2009). The community always struggles to keep their cultural practices alive despite assimilation from the neighbors. Lawrence (2009) credits the region’s inclination to their cultural traditions for fostering its efforts towards self-determination.
Kurdistan government (2019) notes that the accommodating nature of the group’s culture makes the surrounding communities invade the region. The incoming groups weaken the region’s way of life and subsequently undermining the unity among the Kurds. The rapid influx of immigrants caused the Kurds to feel threatened. This feeling makes them desire to secure their independence, which will preserve their area and culture. As a result, the tussle between Iraqi Kurdistan and the Iraq government has escalated in the past few years (Marcus, 2009). The Iraqi Kurdistan engaged legal approaches and referendums, but the Iraqi government denied its demands despite managing the poll to its final phases.
In the political aspects, the Iraqi Kurdistan ethnic group has endured cultural suppression for a long time due to forced assimilations by the native political giants. One of the countries where this phenomenon is high is in Iraq. The Iraqis instill some activities that threaten the Kurds. Kurdistan government says that “Kurds were forbidden to speak Kurdish in public; they had to change their names to local ethnic names if they wanted a job or to enroll their children in school” (2019, par. 2). Denying the group freedom of using its native language in public made its members develop hate to the Iraqi government, viewing it as a dictatorial government that considers any group at the expense of the Kurds.
The Kurdistan government website writes that “The music of Sivan Perwar, a Kurdish pop music performer, was banned in Turkey and Iraq in the 1980s, so he left the region to live and work in Sweden” (2019, par. 6). Shea (2015) notes that Kurds only responded by engineering their cultural practices and norms to adapt to the current situation. Restricting them from publicly using the Kurdish language makes them develop a feeling of depression and makes them live as inferior to other communities in the region. Due to the stringent measures that Iraqi authorities impose on Kurds, the community developed approaches that would help them survive in the existing environment. The member would occasionally hide products that identify them like their attires and their natural writing materials.
Kurdish Songs and Poetry
Kurds have rich oral traditions critical for their survival. Some of these norms entice the native communities due to their applicability. One of the prominent poetic aspects is a group of recitation called ‘lawj’ that aids the group in sharing their beliefs with other tribes (Marcus, 2009). ‘Lawj’ is also crucial in encouraging the Kurds when in battle because they boost the morale of the warriors, and help in describing various adventures and love related phenomena (“Kurdistan government,” 2019). The Kurdish songs and poem industry has vastly beneficial ideologies which have managed to shape their culture (Marcus, 2009). They are informative and aim at providing solutions to issues in contemporary society. Their songs frequently praise the community heroes and heroines hence making the Kurdish community feel proud of their fallen icons by appreciating their contributions to society and the community’s wellbeing.
In the 17th century, Kurdish elites, including Emir of Bitlis and Sharaf Khan, developed the primary literature of the community basing on some parameters that were considered universal for all the Kurds in all the Asian countries (Valentine, Ross & Peshmerga, 2018). These elites enhanced vast development by publishing a Persian-based Sharafnama that holds the universal Kurds’ cultural beliefs and norms that classify all the Kurds in Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Turkey under a single umbrella with standard features (Kurdistan government, 2019). This unifying cultural aspect served the Kurds community for about a millennium before Ahmed Khani, another Iraqi Kurdish icon, established a better version of the publication on the advanced national epic in 1695 (Lawrence, 2009). Khani introduced better versions of Kurdish poems and other artistic, cultural practices that instilled ethical, moral values into the community and hence making the Kurds understand other communities better and improved their social interaction with them (Kreyenbroek & Allison, 1996). Most of the aspects highlighted by Ahmed Khani encouraged the community to appreciate others and share what they had with them, making their culture highly accommodative to the non-local communities.
The Iraqi Kurdish appreciates other artistic, cultural features through the use of Dengbej in the society to praise and grace various occasions. Kurdistan government (2019) describes Dengbei as Kurds community-based musicians who perform on multiple events traditional Kurdish folk songs like the Dengbeng. Dengbeng is a combination of two distinct socio-cultural terms that comes from “Deng” and “Bej.” Deng is a Kurd term meaning voice, and Bej is to sing. Therefore, Dengbej refers to vocal singing. The main types of songs composed by this group of Iraq Kurdish are called Strans, which are of high importance in remorseful situations and time of mourning (Shea, 2015). They offer strength, emotional, and psychological assistance to the victims, making the community embrace their culture, and foster their unity even in contempt situations (Valentine et al., 2018). Based on the nature of their cultural landscape and other social attributes, Iraqi Kurdish develop strong bonding and interaction relationships with the foreigners who set foot in their land (Marcus, 2009). They are willing to accommodate the majority of the visitors, regardless of their origin or religious affiliations.
The traditional Kurdish music culture comprises various musical instruments that make artistic products attractive. Some of the devices in musical practice by Iraqi Kurds are the flutes, tu-tu, and the ordinary drums (Kurdistan government, 2019). The tools are essential in musical compositions because they add flavor to the songs, and also reinforce the message and the theme displayed in the songs. Music is one of the oldest art of social practices that have brought the Kurds together and grouped them in a collective cultural group. According to McDowall (1996), the Kurds task a particular group with composing and practicing traditional songs and dances to entertain the entire community and pass critical messages and information to the intended members of the Kurdistan community. Therefore, with this strategic cultural approach, the Kurdish population plays an essential role in displaying a productive cultural affiliation to the local and international communities that admire and appreciates the culture.
Kurdish Art and Craft
The culture of arts and craft is yet another Kurdish culture. One of the primary artistic ability is the weaving of carpets and cloth covers. Kurds design the products with absolute creative thinking skills that lead to the knitting of highly appealing and enticing carpets (Ali, 2019). Most of their carpets and rugs, both for commercial and domestic purposes, have a floral appeal that puts their product in a high-quality medallion pattern. The patterns, coupling with the high number of the carpets the community tradesmen would produce in a short duration, also indicate the skills applied in manufacturing the products (Valentine et al., 2018). The sale of the craft to their neighbors led to substantial income generation for the community. Valentine et al. (2018) added that the income from the sale of Kurdish art and craft sponsored the community’s quest for independence.
Ali (2019) identifies Jaff geometric pattern models and the Mina Khani motifs as the high demand Kurdish weaving product. The top sales emanate from the fabric status and their overall appeal as compared to other weave products in their market. The decorations on such Kursdish items are intentionally designed by the producers to enhance a higher demand in the market from the consumers and other suitors in the global and local markets (Ali, 2009). The weaving culture thus promotes the Kurds. There is the widespread use of Kurdish symbols in the design of their rugs by the traditional professionals that manufacture the products. Most of the symbols used, however, carry a strong and essential message that the designer wishes to share with the outside world (McDowall, 1996). They are visible and conspicuous enough. One can see, read, interpret, and understand their meaning. These aspects make them supplied widely in various markets (Lawrence, 2009). Some of the primary information printed on such rugs includes the dreams, wishes, and sense of hope of the designer and the entire Kurdish nation.
Kurdistan government website writes that the “signification and communication both individually and grouped into Kurdish rug making Kurdish people study how meaning is constructed and understood by talking with the rug maker” (2019, par. 8). These informational rugs come in different sizes, shapes, and colors relating to different Iraqi Kurdish traditions. The most widely applied rug colors are the green, high-chroma blues, terracotta, and burnt orange. Their high use of these colors bases their high demand in the market (Marcus, 2009). The use of lustrous wools used in developing the traditional Kurdish rugs enhances a wide range of applicability. These aspects make the Kurds’ culture admirable globally in the textile sector.
Other cultural craft items displayed by the group are the use of leather materials, metal ornamentations, and the famous embroideries that enrich their culture with traditional attires (Shea, 2015). These artifacts and attires got invented and made by the Kurdish specialist manually in their efforts to develop desirable items of trade (Ali, 2019). Some of the goods include metal bracelets, necklaces, and wristbands. Most of these cultural items developed in Kurds territories symbolize the rich Kurdish cultures (Kurdistan government, 2019).
Kurdish populations have shared some of their practices with some of the native Iraqi citizens hence creating a harmonized nation, different groups with similar cultural wealth. The harmonization of the cultures led to the classifying of the groups as one (Kreyenbroek & Allison, 1996). The necklaces designed by the Kurds’ specialists served a variety of purposes. The production of the chains focused on different uses depending on the occasions (Marcus, 2009). Their physical appearances and decorative colors also varied depending on the intended functions. Based on this type of cultural practice, most of the surrounding communities have adopted the skills. The skills enable them to design similar items. This influence fueled the need for the region to demand their independence.
Kurdish Sports
Iraqi Kurdish participates in a variety of sporting activities, which strengthens their cultural ties within the community and with their neighbors. Some of the cultural sports include hunting, shooting competitions, football matches, wrestling, and the most popular Cirit sport (Lawrence, 2009). In Cirit, the participant throws spears while they are riding a horse to determine the winning participants. There are also other horse racing activities and camel riding games that boost the cultural aspect of the Iraqi Kurdish. These sports were vital because they brought together different races of the Kurdish group (Allison, 1996). The unity of the group enhances it to agitate for the rights of its members.
Also, the community performs sporting activities for various reasons across different cultural scope. Some of the reasons include entertainment or recreation purposes, competition, supporting the less fortunate in society, and launching social and cultural amenities. Iraqi Kurdish communities use sporting activities to ensure inter-community integration gets prioritized and hence enhances peaceful coexistence with their neighbors (Ali, 2019). For instance, Cirit brings together the contestants that use different horses for competition for societal benefits. Other aspects of the community include celebrations such as Newroz. Ali (2009) spends time interviewing and viewing people in Newroz celebrations. The author reliably provides substantial factual assertions of the Kurd’s lifestyle and explores the timeframe relating to Kurdish culture and festivities.
A Summation of the Kurdish Way of Life
Kurdistan communities have a unique way of life. As in earlier indications, the community boast of its rich and admirable cultural practices. This study will focus on some of the cultural beliefs, competence, and methods of the Kurdish community. The study will also relate the role of practices in the community journey for self-determination.
Research Questions
This work explores the thesis statement using research questions. Some of the issues that the discussion revolves around include:
- What are the current conflicts in Northern Iraq about the Kurdish people and their readiness to separate?
- Summarize the effect these conflicts have on military units and the civilian population.
- Is Kurdish culture a driving force with regard to separation?
- Will Kurdistan’s culture suffer without separation?
- What cultural aspects separate Kurdish people from others in the region?
Kurdish Road to Independence
For a very long time, Kurds have been living in different Asian nations such as Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey. The interaction between them and people of varying ethnicity happens with numerous negative views from the native, and constant oppression by the local governments (McDowall, 1996). Marcus (2009) notes that the Kurds feel inconvenient by some of the practices undertaken by the authorities of the differing ethnicity, making them develop negative perceptions and feelings of being sidelined despite their contribution to the economic and socio-cultural aspects of the region.
Consequently, the Kurds started and kept on pressing towards attaining independence. Aljazeera news (n.d) reported that the majority of the Iraqi Kurds voted in favor of during cessation from Iraq mainland during the past electoral process he Iraq mainland. Among the critical points asserted by the Iraqi Kurdish was the constant lack of freedom from the Iraqi government. This culminated in widespread suffering among the Kurds in northern parts of Iraq. The electoral commission of Iraq registered approximately 2.8 million members of Kurdistan, supporting the quest for the Kurds’ independence (Brenneman, 2016).
The call for freedom and independence by the Kurdish in Iraq led to various constitutional and other legal procedures that essential for pressing for political mileage and relief. In 2019, the Kurdistan Iraq secured referendum activity passed with a majority but dismantled by the Iraqi government despite the support of external forces to implement the results of the referendum. Kurdistan government (2019) notes, “The opposition against it was significant. Major international actors, the United States, Russia, Britain, and regional powers, Turkey, and Iran opposed the vote”. The opposition of the referendum by the world and region’s seemingly political and economic powerhouses slowed the Kurdistan region’s efforts and desires for self-rule.
According to Brenneman (2016), the history of political instability, and the dominance of the Kurds in the economic sectors of Iraq, made the Iraqi government feel the possibility of incurring significant losses if the Kurdish community split off from their mainland. The Kurds had profoundly productive cultural practices, which, for the past year years, had been the source of government revenues through taxes and tourist attractions. McDowall (1996) adds that the conflicting cultural values, between the Kurds and the Iraq native communities, were the source of the prolonged frictions that contributed to the quest for secession and calls for independence by the Kurdish population.
Although the Kurds faced a lot of resistance from other nations about their idea to split off from the Iraqi government, they continued to push for their independence, and actively participated in the referendum. Kurdistan government (2019) records that “Though there were a lot of concerns about the uncertainty that is likely to follow the vote, the mood in Kurdistan Regional Government’s (KRG) capital Erbil was festive on the day of the referendum.” As cited in Ali (2019), Aljazeera news asserted that approximately 90 % of the total cast votes during the referendum for the independence loud the splitting idea and allowing the Kurds their freedom to exercise their practices independently with zero interference from any other country or state. However, the expectations were premature since the Iraqi Kurds had numerous referendums on the same issues, with the culmination results turning out to be political rather than legal (Valentine et al., 2018). The mainland Iraqi government, after that, overturned the results of the process.
In 2005, various civil societies pressed for the same independence question where all the Kurds stood behind the independence referendum, unlike the recent approaches. Over 90 percent of the Kurdistan population embraced the move (Marcus, 2009). Some of the factors that propelled the civil societies into calling for an independence referendum were the widespread torture and mistreatment of the Kurds in Iraq. The pain led to widespread outcry from foreign observers (Allison, 1996). Krajeski (2015) reports that most of the profoundly affected populations in the rift among Iraqi ethnic groups were the women and the children.
Since the majority of the women participate in different cultural, social, and economic practices, the levels of their living standards had drastically dropped due to low engagement in such practices (Krajeski, 2015). The author adds that the region experienced a subsequent reduction of resources that would improve their living standards through the provision of the necessities. The difference between the previous and the 2005 independence referendum is that the latter received initiation and facilitation from the Kurdish government, which had felt the negative implications inflicted by the Iraqi government on its people and the Kurd’s government system (Brenneman, 2016). The two referenda thus were both Kurdistan’s strategic roads towards independence.
However, the independence ideas from the Kurds Iraqi leadership never materialized due to several administrative bottlenecks put in place by the Iraqi Government (Marcus, 2009). The two referendums conducted appeared more as opinions rather than the actual call for the sovereignty. Both the external and internal borders of Iraq remained under firm guidance against the Kurds (Valentine et al., 2018). Therefore, the referendum only served as a blindfolding activity. It made the Kurds believe that they would attain their independence contrary to reality.
After a short period, the real intent of the Iraqi government becomes vivid. Little did the Kurds know that the Iraqi government’s strategy was merely to cool down the political temperatures that could culminate in heightening hatred and potential intercommunity conflicts in the country (Krajeski, 2015). Kurdistan government (2019) reminds of the Iraqi Government notation that based on this position, the borders of Iraq as an internationally recognized sovereign state and the internal boundary between the KRG and Iraq would remain intact in the aftermath of the referendum, at least for the foreseeable future.
Valentine et al. (2018) applaud the Kurdish elites for helping their community. This cohort helps the community to identify itself with its ideals. The availability of the educated and elites like Mustafa Barzani in the region also encouraged the region’s fight for independence. Barzani was a Kurdish political figure and businessman and politician. Born on March 26, 1972, Mustafa Barzani was an active politician from Kurdistan. As a successful businessman, he is the epitome of hard work, having risen from prominent family history yet working with the ordinary Kurds to establish himself. Barzani Formed the Kurdistan Democratic Party, a giant political party with branches across North and South Iraq (Valentine et al., 2018).
Although his political activity is much older than his days in the Kurdish territorial integrity, his political career has been shaped by the Republican political ideology, having served in the Kurdish government since 2006. Barzani holds an MBA from the University of Houston with a minor in cultural studies. As a business-minded intern, he would spend most of his summertime in Silicon Valley, amassing vast management skills. The skills latter later shape his investment ability in the technology industry (Ali, 2019).
Importantly, Barzani has volunteered many times to participate in political campaigns despite his tight schedule, both as CEO and the leader of his political party (Marcus, 2009). Upon graduation in 1995, he remained in his hometown, where he established his humble beginnings in the technology industry, with a particular interest in digital company establishment and management (Valentine et al., 2018). The politician was an ardent supporter of environmental conservation, having realized the importance of the climate to the ecosystem. Accordingly, the elite worked closely with authorities in Houston on numerous ecological projects like the Harris County Flood Control District, and the Jesse Mustafa Barzani & Nature Centre (Marcus, 2009).
Mustafa Barzani’s Campaign Message on Kurds Independence
Barzani was a candidate for various political posts in Iraq on a campaign of redemption. His selfless involvement in the welfare of the community is manifest in the improved lives of the Iraqi city (McDowall, 1996). His commitment to the Kurd’s protection makes him standout. Although he owned and managed several businesses, his heart towards the betterment of his fellow Kurds spearheaded his action other than his wealth.
Kreyenbroek and Allison (1996) postulate that Barzani developed this philanthropist ideology developed early in life before he even owned any businesses. He was an ardent believer in education for all as a strategy for the attainment of equity through bridging the academic achievement gap in the culturally diverse Kurdish community. His background and ideologies would not shake due to any political party. He forged for the success of all Kurds regardless of their party affiliation. Barzani worked towards equal opportunity for all public members to achieve their full measure of happiness irrespective of culture, belief, skin color, or academic qualifications (Marcus, 2009).
Ali (2019) asserts that the collective glory of the Iraqi government as the mainland and the success of Kurds as a rich cultural heritage remains a priority for either the Kurdish Democratic Party or any other political affiliation in the country. Barzani’s dream of access to affordable college education in Kurdish territory through an expansion of scholarship programs and affordable loan choices aligns with Ali’s theory and supports enlightenment. An educated population stands as a chance to claim its rights, freedom taking center stage.
The credits on the Kurdish Economy could scrapped-off because loan forgiveness has happened in other communities hosted in Iraqi territory in their Kurdish country (Marcus, 2009). That would be Barzani’s first step to quality jobs for all Kurdish graduates (Valentine et al., 2018). His corporation continues to offer internship opportunities to students, permanent employment, and free training through seminars to link other Iraqi members to different potential employers both near and far away states. He believed that Kurds could share in his political vision just like he has shared in their wellbeing, but this time as a political and ethnic spokesperson of the Kurdistan community (Lawrence, 2009). He wants to establish a lasting, living standard for all cultures, communities, and age-old generations to define Kurdistan’s new place in the hearts of the Kurdish.
Barzani’s campaign message shall, without any doubt, be useful in Kurdistan politics because of his profound awareness of the Kurdish community (McDowall, 1996). The speech addresses the need for education for the poor, as opposed to the desire for education of the affluent. They could make a difference in Kurdistan to be a collective plan that all people deserve equal participation in the public affairs of the Kurds. Lawrence (2009) narrates how the philanthropic business and politician spent a significant amount of time reporting for BBC and PRI with regards to Iraq.
Barzani’s carried on with his work from the period of 1970s, through Sadam Hussain’s reign, and into the current situation. Besides, the author talks about the Turkish Air Force, striking PKK strongholds in Iraq, where I have personally been present. Also, he goes into the Barzani family and their “wealth” that mainly revolves around Kirkuk. He further opinioned that it was more than reliable and had a lot of information relating to the previous and current situation Kurdistan finds itself.
Mustafa Barzani’s Independence Campaign Strategy
Mustafa Barzani is setting a new political ideology of working through consensus and the foundation of common ground devoid of party affiliations. Accordingly, the young generation is the most addressed in the strategy. Therefore, they are the most likely group to turn out for Mustafa Barzani (Ali, 2019). No one understands both the need and the cost of education more than college students from poor communities and burdened with student loans whose repayment is a nightmare without access to employment (Marcus, 2009). Mustafa Barzani’s offer for the best loan programs and affordable education for all Kurds has the potential to win their vote.
Marcus (2009) adds that the attitude of Barzani allowed him to attract the support of both the middle class and fresh graduates who wished to secure stable employment opportunities through the strategy to link them to their respective industries. To sum up the plan, Mustafa Barzani calls to the more inferior parts of Iraq as well because his campaign strategy promises the development of the region. Overall, the middle and lower class voters are at the center of the plan, and they shall, without a doubt, turn out to vote in large numbers because they represent Kurds’ majority voters-base (Marcus, 2009).
Mustafa Barzani’s Campaign Resources
Despite Barzani having a pool of personal resources that he could use to fund his ideology, he also enjoys command over a sizable group of renowned businesspersons in Kurdistan (Valentine et al., 2018). Besides, the businessman has countless endorsements from the Kurdish political community. His approach to challenges makes him lovable to people of Houston as his hometown, and all other regions (Marcus, 2009). Marcus notes that the continual support that Barzani received from these groups pushed him to developed an insatiable commitment to expanding his resources, spending more time and money to campaign for his ideologies to the larger Kurds audience.
Ali (2019) indicates that due to the strength of Barzani’s ideology, and his accommodative traits attracted a sure promise of donations from thousands of followers and volunteers in support of the politician’s dream for the Kurdish. Also, the businessman has won the attention of thousands of Kurds students who dream of getting an affordable college education. The students are willing to share into the promise of a politician with ideologies like Barzani (Marcus, 2009). The traits of businessman indicate the right mix of resources, competitive advantage, motivation, and support to liberate Kurdistan.
Analysis
Based on the research findings, the Kurdish undergoes a lot of cultural humiliation and psychosocial torture due to the different cultural practices and values with its neighboring communities. Shea (2015) postulates that the Iraqi government developed an approach of confining the Kurds to a small space where they cannot express their grievances. Their fear of talking exists due to the monopolistic nature of the Iraqi government and other authorities in Northern states. Barzani decides to use the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) to advocate for the Kurds’ rights and call for a referendum.
Despite his dedication, the Kurds fail in their quest for political sovereignty, gaining independence from the Iraqi government. Ali (2019) postulates that due to his conflict of interest, mixing politics and business, Barzani could not always manage to be present for the benefit of the Kurdish people. To ensure he has much-needed resources, he also had to preserve some time to oversee the progress of his businesses (Ali, 2019). He also tried to cushion the Kurds from the terrorism allegations by the Iraqi authorities. In return, the Kurds thought of establishing their government. This move increasingly activated their call for independence.
The Iraqi government has intensely pointed the finger on the recent, and rampant incidences of terrorism have increased in recent times with Islamist extremists such as Kurdish Al-Qaida claiming responsibility for the barbaric attacks (McDowall, 1996). The government of Iraq links the terrorist groups are to the Kurds in Iraq. The belief of the existence of this relationship sabotages the efforts of the Kurdistan. It leads to extreme mistreatment of the Kurds by the Iraqi authorities. The relevant authorities handle Iraqi Kurds with hostility, especially after terrorism incidences (McDowall, 1996). McDowall (1996) indicates that even though the impacts of terrorism have happened before, the current attacks on the Iraqi by various militia groups changed the perception of Kurds in the eyes of the Iraqi government.
The Government Iraq, therefore, highlights several security measures that airports have installed in light of the gruesome attack that involves the screening, checking off all carry-ons, and random testing of all Kurdish in Iraq. The government also uses cultural profiling, labeling the Kurds as terrorists (Marcus, 2009). Such labeling scares away other possible external supporters that would boost the ability of the Kurds to succeed.
The research on the cultural practices of the Kurdish and their road to independence from the oppressive Iraqi government and constant cultural conflict with their neighboring communities features various incidences (Ali, 2019). Most of these involved cases where the Kurds access different commercial services within the jurisdiction of the Iraqi government. Iraq government authorities have denied Kurdistan their rights, claiming that the group does not exhibit the ability to rule itself, given its much association with terrorism.
Kurds continued to face difficulties in Iraq. The codes of their men wearing beards and women wearing Hijab exposes them to harassment and racism in various places, including schools, hospitals, and even at the workplace (McDowall, 1966)). Overall, the research focuses on the drastic change in the lives of Kurds after the subsequent terrorist actions, attacks, and the suffering that this minority group has experienced in the hands of Iraq authorities and citizens.
Ali (2009), in his research study, highlights the current fight between the Kurdish people and the ISIS explicitly. The research examines the historical aspect of the Peshmerga, who I worked with extensively. This work is a look into the daily life of a Peshmerga fighter in Northern Iraq. The reliability of his assertions about various practices, both cultural and social, conducted by the Kurdish communities is undoubted. The author spends substantial time following around the Peshmerga as they fight ISIS along the Northern Front. Culturally, this work provides a look into the people who left their daily lives and families to fight another enemy in their region. War has become a common theme throughout the history of the Kurdish people. Ali (2009) further studies the history, language, literature, and religion of the Kurdish people. It breaks down the differences that exist within Kurdistan and the different regions that that group stems from, including Iran, Syria, Turkey, and Iraq.
Supporting Argument
McDowall (1966) breaks down the division of the Kurdish nation between Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. He explains how the groups living in the region have continually contested for and divided the land that originally belonged to the Kurdish people. The author examines Kurdish nationalism and its failures as modern states. He also studies the community’s cultural aspects concerning its nationalism. McDowall’s work proves authentic in this study as it covers explicit information, and the knowledge and research into the Kurdish people, their land, and their current struggle. It exhaustively covers the region’s history.
Based on the research assertions, Kurdish culture differs significantly from Iraqi or other surrounding communities. Though they are within the borders of other nations, the Kurds have their values, way of life, and ideologies. They have influenced other communities surrounding them into adopting some of their cultural practices hence creating a pool of everyday items that contributes to their harmony and togetherness. Some of the shared cultural values and traditions revolve around attires, arts, sports, and craft items. The constantly differing cultural practices dissolve the Kurds from other tribes in the region. This state makes the Kurdistan desire to have a government that appreciates the community.
Their art of songs and poetry entails the use of educative and motivational Kurdish terms, which are essential in ensuring the community practices are run smoothly with effective and efficient passing of messages to the targeted groups. Therefore, the Kurds in Iraq for a long time have stuck to their cultural practices, which are different from the cultural traditions and values. Due to this difference, there is much conflict between the two sets of social and cultural beliefs and practices. The conflict spurs the idea of sovereignty among the Kurds.
Counter Argument
The claims of the Kurdish culture influencing the Kurdistan road to self-determination can also face repudiation based on several premises. Firstly, there is a constant struggle between the Kurds and the rest of the occupants of the region. The misunderstanding between the tribe and its neighbors denies it of any support possible. Secession needs a pull of support, both in terms of financial resources and the political goodwill. Lack of political goodwill thwarted the Kurds’ fight for self-rule.
Secondly, history indicates that over half of the world’s nations were once under colonial rule. All the countries ultimately started their quest for self-rule due to reasons other than their cultural practices. For instance, the United States of America’s claim for independence never emanated from their cultural bonding, but the oppression the citizens were receiving from their master nations.
Lastly, Kurdistan belongs to Iraq and should adapt to Iraqi culture, not Kurdish. This is because they fall into the sovereignty of the Iraqi government, where it exercises its jurisdictional and constitutional powers. Blood and belief break down the PKK or the Kurdish Workers Party. This group has often linked to terrorism, but in many ways, the connection was a mistake. All these pieces of literature indicate the evident Kurdish culture, spending several years as an international correspondent for the Boston globe. Though this literature does not focus on Iraq’s Kurdistan, it provides insight into the Turkish controlled region, as well as a look into their civil war, one of the factors that led to the eruption of sovereignty claims.
Conclusion
The evaluation above indicates the role of culture on the independence of the Kurds. The culture of the Kurdish people has a definite bearing on the community’s quest for sovereignty. The community has a rich culture with various values and practices that are admirable to the neighboring cities. Kurds also participate in sporting and celebrations activities such as the Cirit and Newroz, respectively. These activities help in bringing all the Kurdistan community together, hence encouraging the essential unity for their struggle for independence.
The Kurdish in Iraq faced various discriminatory practices hulled at them by the native populations and the Iraqi government by suppressing their progress and advancements towards the attainment of their freedom. The discrimination for the group incited its search for self-rule. Kurds, however, have tried many approaches to seek their freedom and independence from Iraq. Some of the strategies include the referendums through human rights groups and activities and local agitations. Although the 2005 and 2016 referendum process received support from more than 95 % of the Kurds, it failed due to a lack of western aid.
The community’s value for education also helped in the quest for independence. Barzani established a healthy political formation like the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP). Barzani led various legislative and Kurdish business community members in the quest for independence through Operations Iraqi Freedom before the drastic change. His most significant contribution, the second referendum, almost granted the Kurds their autonomy.
Despite the cultures’ vast contributions towards the region’s journey towards sovereignty, they also separated the Kurds from their neighbors and denied them the requisite political goodwill. Lack of goodwill derails the Kurds’ journey towards independence.
References
Ali, D. A. (2019). The Struggles of the Kurdish Women’s Movement in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.http://lup.lub.lu.se/luur/download?func=downloadFile&recordOId=8998986&fileOId=8998988
Allison, C. (1996). Kurdish culture and identity. Zed books.
Brenneman, R. L. (2016). As strong as the mountains: A Kurdish cultural journey. Waveland Press.https://books.google.co.ke/books?hl=en&lr=&id=lHOBCwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PR3&dq=Brenneman
Krajeski, Jenna (2015). Inside The Daily Life of Iraq’s Kurds. Smithsonian Magazine. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/inside-daily-lives-iraq-kurds-180955297/
Kreyenbroek, P. G., & Allison, C. (Eds.). (1996). Kurdish culture and identity. Zed Books.
Kurdistan government (2019). The Kurdistan Project. Learn about Kurdish Culture |The Kurdish Project. (2020). https://thekurdishproject.org/history-and-culture/kurdish-culture/
Kurdistan Map Iraq (August 2013) Retrieved From: https://www.mapsofworld.com/kurdistan-map.html
Lawrence, Q. (2009). Invisible nation: how the Kurds’ quest for statehood is shaping Iraq and the Middle East. Bloomsbury Publishing, USA.
Marcus, A. (2009). Blood and Belief: the PKK and the Kurdish Fight for Independence. NYU Press.https://books.google.co.ke/books?hl=en&lr=&id=6rcUCgAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PR7&dq=Marcus.
McDowall, D. (1996). A modern history of the Kurds (No. s 504). London: IB Tauris.
Shea, Neil (2015). Kurds Fight to Preserve the Other Iraq. National Geographic. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/magazine/2016/03/kurds-northern-iraq-kurdistan-peshmerga-isis/
Valentine, Simon Ross. Peshmerga (2018). “Those Who Face Death”: The Kurdish Army: its history, development, and the fight against ISIS. Independently Published. 208.
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